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With the sea change in the American political scene from a largely liberal Democratic majority in the Congress to a predominately conservative Republican majority, lobbying and other special interest groups will find it necessary to modify their approaches. Indeed, as the political climate is transformed so must special interest and lobbying groups adjust their tactics if they are to be successful petitioners. Binstock (1995) offers a brief analysis of the changes that must take place if old-age activist groups are to maintain their ability to influence public policies:

Starting in the late 1970s and continuing into the mid-1990s, new stereotypes emerged in popular culture depicting older people as prosperous, hedonistic, selfish, and politically powerful, greedy geezers. . . . In this era the activities of old-age interest groups were aimed at protecting existing programs and their specific features. These defensive efforts were somewhat successful in the broad sense that cutbacks in old-age programs during this period were generally less than in other social programs. Binstock, Robert H. “A New Era in the Politics of Aging: How Will the Old-Age Interest Groups Respond?” Generations: Journal of the American Society on Aging . 19.3 (1995): 68-74.

Moreover, Binstock (1995) argues that, as the Congress, if not the country as a whole, becomes more partisan and more ideologically conservative

this new era in the policies of aging [will pose] difficult challenges for old-age interest groups.
Binstock, Robert H. “A New Era in the Politics of Aging: How Will the Old-Age Interest Groups Respond?” Generations: Journal of the American Society on Aging . 19.3 (1995): 68-74.

Considering that largest of the age-related special interest groups Binstock (1995) says:

The most difficult and politically important choices will be those made by AARP . . . [which] is by far the most important [of all old-age advocacy groups]because of its huge membership . . . [of] 33 million members. (Binstock 71 [1995]) The enormous financial and personnel resources which AARP can muster is a classic example of RM that is evident in Binstock’s (1995) figures: “in 1994 AARP’s total revenue was $469 million . . . [and they had] 1,700 employees” not including a host of unpaid local community volunteers. Binstock, Robert H. “A New Era in the Politics of Aging: How Will the Old-Age Interest Groups Respond?” Generations: Journal of the American Society on Aging . 19.3 (1995): 68-74.

Nonetheless, Binstock (1995) finds that the AARP and other old-age organizations will be forced to make changes if they are to survive as viable and vigorous political forces. Indeed, as the political mood changes the social dynamic and the cultural milieu:

Proposals for major changes in programs on aging are being generated by conservative political principles and to balance the federal budget, without much attention to the implications for older people themselves . . . Consequently the old-age lobby is unlikely to have much impact unless its efforts are coincidentally fortified by more powerful political forces. Binstock, Robert H. “A New Era in the Politics of Aging: How Will the Old-Age Interest Groups Respond?” Generations: Journal of the American Society on Aging . 19.3 (1995): 68-74.

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Source:  OpenStax, Minority studies: a brief sociological text. OpenStax CNX. Mar 31, 2010 Download for free at http://cnx.org/content/col11183/1.13
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