<< Chapter < Page Chapter >> Page >

On the other hand, the migration of Mexicans and Puerto Ricans to the United States has historically been motivated by financial reasons (Sánchez-Ayéndez, 1988, p. 175; Becerra, 1988, pp. 143-4). The 2000 U.S. Census reported that in 1998 the poverty rate for Mexicans and Puerto Ricans was 31% compared to 14% for Cubans (www.census.gov/Press-Release/www/1999/cb99-188.html). The initial poverty and low levels of education of many Mexicans and Puerto Ricans, the discrimination they experience as a result of being racially mixed, and the lack of governmental policies and programs intended to assist them, hinder the potential for success in the United States.

The experience of Dominicans in the U.S. is very similar to the experience of Puerto Ricans. Dominicans, however, do not come to the U.S. from a territory with a long history of colonialism like Puerto Rico. Their migration to the United States is motivated by the high poverty rate and marginalization prevalent in their country. Once in the United States, many of them must wrestle with problems associated with their undocumented status (Grasmuck&Pessar, 1991, p. 207).

Finally, the experience of Salvadorans and other undocumented immigrants from Central America is very similar to the experience of poor undocumented Mexicans. Immigrants from Nicaragua and other Central American countries who fled their countries of origin because of war have been able to obtain political asylum in the United States. In contrast to Cubans, however, their asylum did not bring with it permanent residence or citizenship in the United States. A legal arrangement implemented in the early 1980’s that allowed Nicaraguans to live and work in the United States was phased out in 1997. As a result, the Nicaraguan community in the U.S. had to go to court to stop their deportation (www.cnn.com/US/9706/24/nicaragua).

Individual and / or group characteristics as factors

According to McLemore (1991, p. 6), the extent to which members of an immigrant group are accepted as equals by the dominant group in a host society will depend on: how long the group has been in the country, the racial and cultural characteristics of the group, the circumstances under which the group came to this country, the extent to which the incoming group wishes to be assimilated, and the extent to which the dominant group wishes to accept members of the incoming group as equals. Out of the previous list, length of residence in the country and racial characteristics based factors. The role of acculturation and human capital will also be included in our discussion of individual characteristics.

Time of arrival

Research studies have identified length of residence in the host country as one of the main predictors of acculturation (McLemore, 1991; Díaz, 1995; Pérez&Padilla, 2000). Acculturation, in turn, has been described as the first prerequisite for the eventual assimilation of any group or individual (Gordon, 1964; Marger, 2000). For this reason it is logical to predict that, unless special obstacles are encountered, the longer Hispanics have lived in the United States the more likely their assimilation will be. Assimilation usually implies that the incoming individual or group will have greater access to privileges and opportunities existing in the host country.

Get Jobilize Job Search Mobile App in your pocket Now!

Get it on Google Play Download on the App Store Now




Source:  OpenStax, Immigration in the united states and spain: consideration for educational leaders. OpenStax CNX. Dec 20, 2009 Download for free at http://cnx.org/content/col11150/1.1
Google Play and the Google Play logo are trademarks of Google Inc.

Notification Switch

Would you like to follow the 'Immigration in the united states and spain: consideration for educational leaders' conversation and receive update notifications?

Ask